Thursday, 19 April 2012 / by Elsa
Rassbach, Counterpunch – On March 20th, I interviewed Dr. Mustafa
Barghouti about the plans for a new international initiative for Land
Day, March 30th: a Global March to Jerusalem, to bring together in one
nonviolent action all of the Palestinian political parties and civil
society organizations in historic Palestine as well as in the diaspora,
with supporting actions around the world.
Then on March 27, Mustafa’s distant
cousin, Fatah leader Marwan Barghouti, issued a letter from the Israeli
prison where he has so far served ten years of five life sentences. In
it, Marwan Barghouti called on the Palestinian Authority to end peace
negotiations and all coordination with Israel, to institute a total
boycott against Israel, and to turn to the UN General Assembly to
advance the bid for statehood. He also called on the Palestinian people
to begin a new a popular nonviolent uprising in the spirit of the Arab
Spring: a third intifada. As punishment, the Israelis put him in
solitary confinement.
Both Barghoutis are calling for
increased Palestinian popular resistance, which is an implicit criticism
of the old-guard Fatah leadership. Both Barghoutis have called for
unity between Fatah and Hamas and all other Palestinian parties, yet the
two might well compete against each other in a new Palestinian
election: Marwan as leader of the more activist second generation Fatah
activists and Mustafa as leader of the Palestinian National Initiative
party (Al-Mubadara). During the 2005 elections, as candidate for
president of the Palestinian Authority, Mustafa Barghouti won 19 percent
of the vote. The Israelis thereupon banned him from entering Jerusalem,
where he was born and had worked as a medical doctor for fifteen years.
In the Global March to Jerusalem this
year, Palestinians and their supporters planned to march as close to
Jerusalem as they could get: whether at the borders of Lebanon, Syria
and Jordan, at the checkpoints in Gaza and in the West Bank, or at
Israeli embassies around the world. The closest point Mustafa Barghouti
could reach was the Qalandia checkpoint between Ramallah, where he now
resides, and Jerusalem. At Qalandia he was injured and brought to a
hospital, amid conflicting reports regarding the cause of his injury.
Reports on the success of the Global
March to Jerusalem were also mixed. Far fewer demonstrators amassed on
the borders of Lebanon and Jordan than had been predicted by some, and,
as far as is known, no one attempted to cross over into Israeli
controlled territory. Yet the organizers have stated that they had
achieved their most important goals.
I recently spoke with Mustafa Barghouti again by Skype.
What was your response to the call that Marwan Barghouti issued from prison?
I agree with him that Israel is trying
to make the Authority a security sub-agent while Israel continues
occupying and oppressing us. Thus all this coordination with the
Israelis should stop. I think we also share the same opinion about
popular nonviolent resistance. That’s what we’ve been working on for the
last ten years. And I am personally proud and happy that now all
political forces that in the past did not consider nonviolent resistance
effective are recognizing it and adopting it. This is the biggest
success that can happen. And I believe that this is now a good
opportunity for all of us to conduct a unified struggle.
Did this nonviolent approach arise from the villages in the West Bank and their struggle?
Already back in 1936 there was in
Palestine a nonviolent resistance movement, a strike which went on for
six months. There is a tradition, and the best example is the first
intifada. But the new nonviolent resistance in its most purified form
started in villages like Budrus and Safa, then moved to Bil’in and then
Nil’in and then to other villages, then to Jerusalem, then to Hebron and
now it’s spreading everywhere. If you go back to statements we made
three or four years ago, we were anticipating that this nonviolent
resistance would spread. People believe in it now for three reasons:
first of all, the total failure of the so-called peace process, which
became nothing but a substitute to peace and a cover for Israeli
expansionist policies; second, because many people understand and
realize now that nonviolent resistance is much more effective than
military actions; and third – and this is very important – it is a very
good way of linking the Palestinian struggle to international solidarity
with a clear aim, which is to change the parameters of the struggle and
of the conflict and change the balance of power. We believe that so far
the Israeli occupation has been profiting from occupying us, and this
popular nonviolent resistance is going to make the occupation costly.
The nonviolent resistance takes multiple forms, and that is good. One of
the most important acts we did was to try to break the siege on Gaza: I
remember in 2008, when we went in a small boat and managed to break the
siege, how much this affected many leaders in Gaza regarding their
belief in and acceptance of nonviolent resistance. But there are many
more forms: hunger strikes, demonstrations, and the very important form
of boycotting Israeli products, which we are planning to increase in the
coming weeks.
Why is nonviolence more effective?
It works better because it allows
everybody, and not just a small group of people, to participate. It
works better because it does not allow the Israelis to claim that they
are victims in this conflict. It reveals and exposes them as they are in
reality: the oppressors, the occupiers, and the creators of an
apartheid system.
This year on Palestinian Land
Day, March 30, there was a new nonviolent initiative, the Global March
to Jerusalem, of which you were a principle supporter. What role did
your political party, the Palestinian National Initiative, and the other
political parties play in this initiative?
I represented all political parties in
the West Bank in the coordination committee of this March. In the West
Bank all the political parties were completely involved in the
organization of the Global March to Jerusalem, along with the civil
society institutions and other structures. And we all agreed that we
would come to the March with Palestinian flags as well as with our
political party flags. The idea was to encourage party members to come
in big numbers, and it worked. There was a long effort to bring all the
Palestinian factions together, and so the Global March to Jerusalem
seems to be at least a symbolic step towards unity. During the
demonstrations in the West Bank, all of the leaders of the political
parties marched in front. It’s of course our duty to be in the front,
because we cannot have young people to be hurt by the Israelis and wait
behind and direct them from the comfort of an office. The Palestinian
Initiative had a lot of its supporters from different regions of the
West Bank participate in the March.
On Land Day, Amnesty
International’s deputy director for the Middle East and North Africa
called on Israel to stop using excessive force against demonstrators.
Did the Israelis use an unusual amount of violence against the Global
March?
It was unusual how early they started
attacking us. I think they were hoping that somehow the demonstrations
would be aborted, and when they realized they would not be, they
immediately turned to severe violence. Not only was the violence
disproportionate and extreme and excessive, but also – for example in
Qalandia, where I was – they started shooting the tear gas and the
metallic bullets covered with a thin piece of rubber when well before we
reached the checkpoints, before we were even given any chance to
approach them. Then this violence did not stop. And this has become a
habit, the constant and disproportionate use of violence by the Israeli
Army against nonviolent demonstrations. And I think this will continue
for as long as the international community does not criticize and
pressure them sufficiently. I really thank Amnesty International for
directing attention to the excessive violence and force they used. On
Land Day they injured at least 320 people, including one who was killed
in Gaza with a high velocity bullet; a man in Bethlehem who was hit
directly in the face, with a broken jaw; and I myself received one of
their tear gas bombs that grazed my head.
On Land Day Amnesty
International also cited reports that Palestinian Authority security
forces tried to prevent protests in areas under their control and that
Hamas security forces had beaten protesters in Gaza. Is the popular
resistance in Palestine now facing Palestinian security as the first
obstacle?
The Palestinian security forces did try
to stop the demonstration in Bethlehem, but they could not, and people
from Mubadara and Fatah and other groups managed to get past the
security officers who were standing there to conduct their
demonstration. In Qalandia, there was a mob that attacked the people
participating in the demonstration and tried to prevent the
demonstration from reaching the checkpoint. Of course these were people
wearing civilian clothing. We don’t know them. We don’t know exactly who
was directing them, but clearly there are suspicions that there were
efforts to try to prevent the demonstration from proceeding. The
Palestinian Authority officially declared that it supports popular
nonviolent resistance. So we expect that no Palestinian should try to
prevent or stop Palestinians from nonviolently, peacefully struggling
for their rights, because we are struggling for the freedom of
everybody. They should support the popular nonviolent resistance rather
than try to obstruct it or co-opt it. The authorities in the West Bank
and in the Gaza Strip have no right to stop Palestinians from
participating in peaceful nonviolent resistance, whether it’s in Gaza or
in West Bank or anywhere else.
On Land Day you were injured
during the demonstration and brought to a hospital, and there are
conflicting reports regarding the causes of your injury. Can you tell us
what happened?
As Land Day this year was on a Friday,
it began with two prayers, one in the street and one inside the mosque.
When the one in the street finished, people started to move, with Mr.
Alol who is a member of the central committee of Fatah and others and I
leading. Then some guys said there are others waiting still in the
mosque, so we stopped the demonstration and waited. After that
everything went well until the Israeli Army attacked us. In the second
wave of the teargas bombs, one of the bombs hit me in my head. I was
injured and a wound started to bleed. I was rushed to an ambulance. As I
was trying to enter the ambulance, some of the people who had been
trying to co-opt the demonstration and prevent it from moving tried to
attack me. And when I got into the ambulance, they started attacking the
ambulance, hitting it, and we were just lucky that they couldn’t break
through. They assaulted not only the ambulance I was in, but also two
other ambulances. The Palestinian Authority is investigating this matter
now, and we are waiting for the results.
Who were these people?
This is being investigated. We think
anybody who attacks Palestinian demonstrators during a demonstration
against occupation cannot be serving the interest of the Palestinian
people. Only the occupation will benefit from such acts. I spoke with
President Abbas on this matter three times. We met, and he condemned
such acts against any Palestinian leader. He wished me recovery from the
Israeli tear gas bomb injury. Many other officials came to see me in
the hospital. And now there is an investigation to find out why some of
these guys tried to block this demonstration, because we will not allow
this to be repeated. We have to be unified. The Global March to
Jerusalem on Land Day was organized in very close cooperation between my
party, the Mubadara, and Fatah, PFLP, Hamas, everybody else. And when I
was in the hospital, all the leaders of all parties – Fatah, Hamas,
PFLP (Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine), PPP (Palestinian
People’s Party), everybody – came to see me to express their respect. So
we will not allow this to affect our unity. There was no conflict
between the political parties. This was an act by a small group of
people who instigated attacks on ambulances and on injured people and on
some demonstrators. These people have to be investigated. We have to
find out who directed them and who motivated them. And I think the
Israelis are ridiculous when they try to take away the responsibility
for injuring me. Would they also claim that they are not responsible for
the other 320 others they injured on Land Day and for the death of the
19-year-old Mahmoud Zakout in Gaza?
What was accomplished on Land Day towards building Palestinian unity?
I think it consolidated this unity. And
it was a great day because you had people participating at the same time
in activities and in demonstrations inside Israel – the Negev and
Galilee – in West Bank, in Gaza, in Jerusalem, and in the Diaspora. This
was a great sign of regaining Palestinian unity again around common
goals, and it was also a great merger between Palestinian popular
nonviolent resistance with international solidarity.
But though there were solidarity
demonstrations in more than 80 countries around the world, these
activists mostly so far have not had much influence on their own
governments to convince them to support the Palestinian cause.
This is not true. The activists are
building very good influence in their countries. Our struggle is like
the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa. It takes time and it needs
to be built gradually. We need to stop dreaming about getting the
solution from the United States government, as some politicians do. Like
the anti-apartheid struggle, people are working now at the grassroots
level in many countries, and gradually it will have an impact on
parliaments. It has already changed even the European Parliament a great
deal. And after parliaments, governments will change. And the last to
change will be the United States. We know that.
You don’t count on Obama, if he’s reelected, to help you?
No. Maybe there will be a miracle and he
will change. But I count on the people of the United States, who will
gradually learn and know, including the Jewish American community. I
spoke the last week in March at a conference of a Jewish organization
called J Street in Washington, DC, and it was amazing. And I think as
more and more people understand the reality and the moral integrity of
the Palestinian struggle, and how immoral the Israeli oppression is, the
more we will prevail. And I believe in the people who will change their
governments.
What about Germany?
People in Germany more and more
understand the situation, and more and more of them are more
enthusiastic for the Palestinian cause. I am sure you read the remarks
that were made by the head of the Social Democratic Party when he went
to Hebron and said this is apartheid. This is just one indicator. The
more these leaders come to Palestine, the more they will understand the
situation. People in Germany need to comprehend that our struggle to
free Palestine does not negate or undermine the sufferings of Jewish
people during the Holocaust, nor even during the pogroms in Russia or
during the Inquisition in Spain. None of what we do negates this, but on
the contrary, that suffering of the Jewish people should be a motivator
to the government in Israel not to repeat the same mistakes, not to
oppress the Palestinian people. Our nonviolent resistance is not only
about freeing Palestinian people from the oppression, but it is also
about freeing the Israelis themselves from the last colonial settler
system in modern history and from the worst apartheid system in modern
times. When the German people understand that, I think they will realize
that supporting our struggle is also about supporting both people and
preventing conflict for both people and saving lives on both sides. The
Israelis themselves will not be free until the Palestinians are free.
Elsa Rassbach is a filmmaker and
journalist from the United States, now based in Berlin. She is a member
of CODEPINK, an organization that endorsed the Global March to
Jerusalem.